Review: Volume 48 - Second World War

Review: Volume 48 - Second World War


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Firefighters in the Second World War were as crucial to victory as the army - and they ran the same sort of risks. Sixteen thousand were killed and 180,000 injured. The rest never forgot the dreadful things they saw: "Once you've pulled a dead child out of a burning building, you never forget it", said one of them. This is their story, from the Blitz in 1940 to the doodlebugs in 1944. It is also the story of how the modern fire service was created, under the pressure of a new sort of war, and of how the firefighters' own trade union made it work.

Nicknamed the 'Libyan Desert Taxi Service' by the SAS, the Long Range Desert Group was tasked with strategic reconnaissance and raiding operations deep inside the enemy-held deserts of North Africa. Armed with light weapons only, and equipped with specially converted light cars and trucks capable of withstanding the harsh conditions, the LRDG quickly proved it could operate in parts of the desert which other troops, including the enemy, found impassable. This new Warrior title, examines the soldiers of the LRDG from the group's formation, through training, to combat in vast, lonely, and deadly deserts of North Africa.

In May 1941, the German battleship Bismarck, accompanied by heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen, broke out into the Atlantic to attack Allied shipping. The Royal Navy ‘s pursuit and subsequent destruction of Bismarck was an epic of naval warfare. Astonishingly, nearly seventy years on, this new book by Iain Ballantyne, Killing the Bismarck, alters our perception of this legendary episode, by focusing on the eyewitness accounts of British sailors, marines and carrier aviators, some of them published for the first time in a compelling narrative. During this action-packed story we go aboard cruisers playing a lethal cat and mouse game as they shadow Bismarck and experience the horror of the British battlecruiser Hood’s destruction, a disaster that filled the men of pursuing Royal Navy units with a thirst for revenge. We fly in Swordfish torpedo-bombers as valiant aircrews take off in atrocious weather and defy storms of anti-aircraft fire during desperate bids to cripple Bismarck. We sail in destroyers as they make daring torpedo attacks, battling mountainous seas. During the final showdown battleships Rodney and King George V, supported by cruisers, destroy the pride of Hitler’s fleet in a close-quarters battle, the terrible reality of which has never been fully depicted in print before. We also experience Winston Churchill’s anxious vigil and learn of the key role the victory played in establishing the ‘Special Relationship’ between the USA and UK. The author analyses the myths surrounding Bismarck and her destruction, considering whether they have any substance. Included are portraits of the short fighting lives of legendary British warships, such as the battleship Prince of Wales and destroyer Cossack as well as men who sailed to death or glory in them. Providing a harrowing insight into the unremitting cruelty of war at sea, as well as the courage and compassion of frail humans pitted against savage weather and plunged into brutal combat, Killing the Bismarck is delivered with the verve of a novel, taking the reader on a roller-coaster ride in which each twist and turn yields new shocks.


Uboat.net

Decommissioned on 25 September 1943 and used as instructional boat.

Scuttled on 3 May 1945 at Neustadt.

Wolfpack operations

U-48 operated with the following Wolfpacks during its career:
Rösing (12 Jun 1940 - 15 Jun 1940)
West (2 Jun 1941 - 8 Jun 1941)

Attacks on this boat and other events

13 Apr 1940
While attempting to attack the destroyer screen around HMS Warspite U-48 was depth charged, but escaped with minor damage. (Sources: Blair, vol 1, page 152)

25 Aug 1940
In the early morning, the boat sank two ships from convoy HX 65A and was then forced to dive when attacked by HMS Godetia, but U-48 evaded the depth charge attack and escaped unscathed.

22 Mar 1941
The boat was depth charged by British destroyers and suffered slight damage.

29 Mar 1941
The boat was fired on by several merchant ships while attacking the unescorted convoy HX 115 south of Iceland, moving through the columns at night on the surface, and at least one of the freighters, the British steam merchant Oakworth made an attempt to ram her. However, U-48 was undamaged and even managed to escape without being attacked when the escorts eventually arrived in the morning.

4 recorded attacks on this boat.

General notes on this boat


U-48 returning to base after a successful patrol.

2 Apr 1941. On 2 April, 1941 U-48 was badly damaged by an explosion on the sinking ship Beaverdale and was forced to return to base.

Men lost from U-boats

Unlike many other U-boats, which during their service lost men due to accidents and various other causes, U-48 did not suffer any casualties (we know of) until the time of her loss.

U-boat Emblems

We have 1 emblem entry for this boat. See the emblem page for this boat or view emblems individually below.

Media links


U-Boat Attack Logs
Daniel Morgan and Bruce Taylor


Narvik
Dickens, Peter and Grove, Eric J.

There was another U-48 in World War One
That boat was launched from its shipyard on 3 Oct 1915 and commissioned into the Imperial Navy on 22 Apr 1916. The Naval war in WWI was brought to an end with the Armistice signed on 11 Nov, 1918. Read about SM U 48 during WWI.


Review: Volume 48 - Second World War - History

THE WEST YORKSHIRE REGIMENT
IN THE WAR 1914-1918


Author: Everard Wyrall

Publisher: Naval & Military Press Ltd
Unit 10
Ridgewood Industrial Park
Uckfield
East Sussex TN22 5QR

ISBN: 1843422107

UK Price: £48.00

Sadly, the arrival of this superb publication at my home, coincided with the government’s decision to make further organisational changes to the structure of the British Army, which will result in several famous infantry Regiments being amalgamated or dis-banded altogether.

One such Regiment affected by these latest “cuts” is the Prince Of Wales’s Own Regiment Of Yorkshire. Although it was formed as recently as 1958, when the West Yorkshire Regiment (Prince of Wales’s Own) and The East Yorkshire (Duke of York’s Own) amalgamated, it can actually trace its ancestry back to 1685, when both Regiments saw service in Scotland and Flanders.

This excellent two volume titled from specialist publishers -The Naval & Military Press, provides the reader with a superbly detailed and most fascinating insight into the history of the “West Yorks” during the Great War. Both the 1st and 2nd Battalions formed part of the original Expeditionary Force in France in 1914 and continued to serve with distinction throughout the war. The Regiment was to grow in size quickly and soon totalled an incredible thirty seven battalions. Twenty four of these units actually saw active service overseas and participated in actions at the Aisne, Neuve Chapelle, the Somme, Montagne de Bligny, the Marne, Cambrai Gallipoli, Vittorio Veneto, Loos and Ypres, whilst others carried out various military duties in all corners of the Empire. Earning no less than 66 Battle Honours, four Victoria Crosses, the Croix de Guerre and innumerable other decorations, as one would expect, the Regiment’s achievements were great, however, its losses were considerable too and total of 13,000 officers and men laid down their life for King and Country!

Being a Yorkshireman with relatives who served in the Regiment both prior to and during the Great and Second World Wars, I personally found the Government’s latest announcement sad. This fascinating book is sure however to serve as a timeless memorial to the brave men who proudly served in this remarkable Regiment during the Great War. I am sure many family history and local researchers together with military historians, battlefield guides and tourists alike will find this volume will prove to be a superb source of reference as well as a thoroughly interesting read. The casualty information and citations for the Victoria Crosses will prove invaluable and therefore this will be a very welcome addition to many bookshelves.

BATTLE HONOURS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE AND COMMONWEALTH LAND FORCES 1662-1991


Author: Alexander Roger

Publisher: The Crowood Press
Ramsbury,
Marlborough
Wiltshire SN8 2HR

ISBN: 1 86126 637 5

Published in 2003

UK Price: £35.00

Many may ask the question –what exactly is a battle honour? The following may therefore help-

“A Battle Honour is a public commemoration of a battle, action or engagement, of which not only past and present, but future generations of the Regiment can be proud.” (Army Council Instruction 58, 28 January 1956)

This excellent book is the product of over twenty years painstaking research by the author, who as an ex soldier himself, saw active service in many parts of the world during his extensive army career and is therefore well qualified to write, what I consider to be the definitive reference work on this most fascinating subject.

The first officially recognised battle honour ever awarded to British and Commonwealth land forces, was made to the 15th Light Dragoons on 16th July 1760, when their helmets were especially inscribed, to commemorate their victory over the French at Emsdorff. Since that historic occasion, no less than seventeen hundred battle honours have subsequently been awarded to various units of the army, recognising their participation and gallantry in campaigns covering all corners of the world and spanning a total of three hundred years.

Many of the battle honours detailed commemorate long forgotten and often unheard of battles, fought by our forefathers in countries that no longer feature on modern day maps. However, the more recent awards for the Falkland Islands in 1982 and the Gulf War in 1991 that are still fresh in many people’s minds, are included too.

This superb volume has been expertly presented in a logical and chronological order and also includes an excellent and comprehensive appendicies. It is an invaluable reference book for book for family history researchers. Military historians and battlefield guides, should not be without a copy in their collections, as I am sure it will be referred to often during the course of their research.

HMS GLOUCESTER

Author: Ken Otter

Publisher: Leo Cooper
An Imprint Of Pen & Sword Books Ltd
Pen & Sword Books Limited
47 Church Street
Barnsley
South Yorkshire S70 2AS

ISBN: 1 84415 122 0
Published in 2004

UK Price: £19.99

This excellent volume tells the unique and fascinating story of the ninth HMS Gloucester, a 9,600 ton ‘Southampton’ Class cruiser launched on the 19th October 1937 at Devonport. Capable of 32.3 knots, she certainly was a “force to be reckoned with!” However, despite her powerful armament, which included twelve x six inch and eight x four inch guns, sixteen anti aircraft pom-poms, two triple torpedo tubes, five machine guns and three Walrus aircraft, she was unfortunately sunk by aircraft of the Luftwaffe on the 22nd May 1941, during the Battle of Crete.

Regrettably, 808 men serving aboard the “Fighting G” (as “Gloucester” was affectionately known) were to lose their lives on that fateful Spring day sixty three years ago. Sadly, Chief Yeoman Fred Otter (father of the author), was one of those casualties. Therefore inspired by the need to learn more of the tragic incident that was to “rob” him of a Dad, the author of this superb volume spent many hours researching the history of this remarkable warship and the brave ship’s company that served in her, from her launch in 1937 through to her final demise.

Tragically, just 83 survivors from the sinking , returned home at the end of the war, however, the author has been fortunate enough to have access to many of their first hand accounts of events at the time and has therefore been able to add his own conclusions to the official reports. Sadly, it is still officially unknown as to how many men actually went down with the ship and how many died in the sea whilst clinging to rafts and wreckage in the hope of being rescued. One thing for certain is that the author has been successful in producing an excellent volume that is packed with fascinating information. Researchers and historians will therefore find the archive and personal photographs interesting, however the detailed Roll of Honour and list of survivors also included will be an invaluable source of reference and a fitting tribute to the men who served in this splendid ship.

As an aside, readers may be interested to learn that the proud name of HMS Gloucester lives on in the Royal Navy of today, in the form of a type 42 Guided Missile Destroyer. With a compliment of 253, the tenth HMS Gloucester was commissioned in 1985. Capable of a speed of 29 knots, she is fitted with the latest technology that includes a Sea Lynx helicopter and guided missiles. She is of course, a far cry from the previous ship bearing the same name!

FIGHTER PILOTS IN
WORLD WAR 2


Author: Bruce Barrymore Halfpenny

Publisher: Pen And Sword Military
Pen & Sword Books Limited
47 Church Street
Barnsley
South Yorkshire S70 2AS

ISBN: 1 84415 065 8

First Published In 1986
Re-published In 2004

UK Price: £12.99

This excellent volume will make an ideal companion to “Bomber Aircrew in World War 2” by the same author. I feel sure it will certainly prove to be popular with aviation enthusiasts, researchers, historians and general readers alike, as it provides the reader with a first rate and most authoritative account of the activities of those who served in Fighter Command during one of the most important periods of our history.

No one can question the outstanding role played by the brave men and the remarkable machines of Fighter Command during the Second World War. Their overall skill, heroism, dogged determination and devotion to duty throughout the war years can never be underestimated, however many consider their greatest achievement of all, was the defence of our shores during the period between July and October 1940 – the “Battle of Britain”. With a force comprising of just 220 aircraft, Fighter Command faced the full onslaught of 1,800 bombers and 1,200 fighters of the German Luftwaffe and won!.

The interesting chapter on this famous battle (complete with Order of Battle as at the 8th August 1940) forms just one part of this excellent value for money book. As one would expect of a publication from Pen and Sword, many excellent photographs are also included. Several of these images, have been published for the first time and support the other very fascinating chapters covering - fighter airfields (both at home and abroad), the ground crews (who worked tirelessly to keep the aircraft in the air) and the “Doodlebug” threat. The Canadian, Mohawk and Desert Air Force fighter squadrons receive well deserved coverage and a fitting tribute to Fighter Command’s only V.C.- Flt.Lt. James Brindley Nicholson of 249 Squadron is included too.

At the very reasonable price of just £12.99, I am sure this title will prove to be a great success and a popular addition to many collections.


It's Still Not the End of History

Twenty-five years after Francis Fukuyama's landmark essay, liberal democracy is increasingly beset. Its defenders need to go back to the basics.

Most of us in the West are liberals, whether we admit it or not. We want equal rights for all, reject racial differences, cherish the freedom of worship while preserving the freedom to disagree, and seek an economic order that suits the ambitions of the individual. But there’s a growing sense that liberalism isn’t delivering at home and that it’s not as popular as we think it ought to be in the developing world. The problem is that hubris has blinded its defenders to the crisis consuming liberalism’s identity, leaving them unable or unwilling, to respond to pressing challenges around the world.

Twenty-five years ago this summer, Francis Fukuyama announced the “end of history” and the inevitable triumph of liberal capitalist democracy. His argument was simple: Democracy would win out over all other forms of government because the natural desire for peace and well-being set nations on a path to progress from which it was impossible to divert. If a state—even a Communist state—wished to enjoy the greatest prosperity possible, it would have to embrace some measure of capitalism. Since wealth-creation depends on the protection of private property, the “capitalist creep” would invariably demand greater legal protection for individual rights.

As many critics pointed out, Fukuyama’s logic was a bit too reminiscent of the pseudo-Hegelian historical determinism that Marxists and Fascists deployed to disastrous effect earlier in the 20th century, but when his article appeared in The National Interest, it was hard to disagree with him. The Berlin Wall was about to fall, the Soviet Union was collapsing, and the world was clamoring for the consumerist boom in an orgy of free-market excitement. Everything seemed to suggest that only liberal capitalist democracy allowed people to thrive in an increasingly globalized world, and that only the steady advance of laissez-faire economics would guarantee a future of free, democratic states, untroubled by want and oppression and living in peace and contentment.

Today, it’s hard to imagine Fukuyama being more wrong. History isn’t over and neither liberalism nor democracy is ascendant. The comfy Western consensus he inspired is under threat in ways he never predicted. A new Cold War has broken out. China’s “Marxist capitalism” suggests you can have wealth without freedom. And the advance of ISIS may herald a new, state-oriented Islamic fundamentalism.

But most disturbingly, the connection between capitalism, democracy, and liberalism upon which Fukuyama’s argument depended has itself been broken. In the wake of the credit crunch and the global economic downturn, it has become increasingly clear that prosperity is not, in fact, best served either by the pursuit of laissez-faire economics or by the inexorable extension of economic freedoms. Indeed, quite the opposite. As Thomas Piketty argues in Capital in the Twenty-First Century, free markets have not only enlarged the gap between rich and poor, but have also reduced average incomes across the developed and developing worlds. In the countries hardest hit by the recession—such as Greece and Hungary—voters have turned away from precisely that conception of liberalism that Fukuyama believed they would embrace with open arms. Across Europe, economic interventionism, nationalism, and even open racism have exerted a greater attraction for those casting their democratic votes than the causes of freedom, deregulation, and equality before the law. Liberal capitalist democracy hasn’t triumphed. Instead, the failures of capitalism have turned democracy against liberalism. In turn, liberalism’s intellectual self-identity has been left in tatters.

Sensing that Fukuyama’s titanic argument has hit something of an iceberg, liberal theorists have desperately been trying to keep the ship afloat. A raft of books have hit the shelves trying to breathe new life into liberalism, amongst which Larry Siedentop’s Inventing the Individual and Edmund Fawcett’s Liberalism: The Life of an Idea stand out. Both accept that Fukuyama’s hubris has been exposed by recent events, and are under no illusions about the challenges that liberalism faces. But instead of addressing those challenges head-on they have turned to the past for solace and validation. By labeling an arbitrary set of ideals “liberal” and trying to demonstrate how they have supposedly triumphed over all challengers down the centuries, they seek to craft a new historical narrative capable of “proving” the inherent righteousness of liberalism. Since “liberal” ideas have always triumphed, Siedentop and Fawcett argue, they are manifestly right, and while things might not be working out so well now, the logic of history shows that they will prevail in the end.

Leaders across the political spectrum have been quick to adopt this form of historical determinism. In Britain, David Cameron’s center-right government is proudly liberal, and has not been afraid to use history to mold the next generation of voters into an appropriately liberal form. Earlier this year, his former education minister, Michael Gove, tried to recast the First World War as an example of liberal values triumphing over Germany’s proto-fascism, and as “proof” of the undoubted righteousness of the sort of militant liberalism that neoconservatives adore. Closer to home, Hillary Clinton—now in the first stages of a barely denied run for the White House—has adapted a similar outlook in the realm of foreign policy. Looking back at the great ideal of America as established by the Founding Fathers through rose-tinted spectacles, she has subtly distanced herself from Barack Obama’s cautious realism abroad and instead used discrete references to the past to justify aggressively exporting liberal values across the globe as often as possible. Given that history has “proved” how great liberalism was in previous battles against tyranny, the argument goes, liberalism will inevitably win out if we pick enough fights and put enough muscle behind it.

But while this new liberal historicism may have a certain rhetorical appeal, it fails to convince. Instead of recognizing the weakness of Fukuyama’s original approach, Siedentop, Fawcett, Cameron, and Clinton have simply dusted down the same old historical determinism, just without the economics. It isn’t any more convincing than when Fukuyama tried it.

It was the great liberal philosopher Karl Popper who first exposed the weaknesses of historicism as a mode of political justification in his devastating critique of Marxist and fascist determinism. It is ironic that his arguments now apply to the liberalism he sought to defend. Following Popper’s argument, it’s easy to see at least two fundamental logical problems with the historicist approach to liberalism. First is the claim that anyone in the past who expressed any degree of egalitarianism or concern for individual conscience is a liberal. The idea that there is a straight line of human progress that leads from Saint Paul through Luther, the Philosophes, and Lloyd George to Jack Kennedy is patently absurd: They all had different definitions of freedom and what it ought to accomplish. Second, the idea that there is a “historical law” guiding the development of societies is fanciful. Even if there were some weird sort of pattern which suggested that “liberal” ideas did indeed “win out” in the past, it wouldn’t be anything more than a mere curiosity. It wouldn’t prove anything about liberalism in itself, nor would it say anything about the future. It would just tell us what happened before. To read meaning or predictive power into any pattern in the past is, in fact, about as intellectually respectable as reading tea leaves.

As the weaknesses of the new liberal historicists’ arguments show, liberalism is struggling to recover from its post-Fukuyama malaise because its defenders are just being too lazy. Siedentop, Fawcett, Cameron, and Clinton seem to assume that everyone with an ounce of sanity must be a liberal, and that there is hence no need to defend liberalism against its shortcomings. But no amount of retrospective back-patting will convince those who simply don’t think the same way. It’s no wonder, given their intellectual arrogance, that so many liberals are surprised when large parts of the world rejects them—or that people spurn their wise counsel when markets collapse and life savings are threatened by the accidents of free-market capitalism.

If liberalism is to survive and flourish, it has to be rescued from Fukuyama’s grasp and from the perils of historical determinism. It has to be defined and defended all over again. This of course raises the question of what liberalism actually is—and it’s notable that so many liberals skip this step in debate as though it was unimportant. In a recent issue of Foreign Policy dedicated exclusively to reevaluating Fukuyama’s legacy, the unresolved problem of “the liberal identity” was conspicuous by its absence. Article after article foundered in their attempts to defend liberal alternatives to populism or socialism precisely because they offered no satisfactory post-Fukuyama understanding of liberalism. But it is impossible to defend liberalism against its critics without making it clear precisely what it stands for. Skeptics can hardly be won over if liberals can’t tell them what they are being won over to or how it differs from the uninspiring mess created by Fukuyama and his continuators.

Surrounded by the confused, jargon-ridden babble of political commentators today, it is perhaps easy to forget that liberalism is defined by a commitment to liberty. At root, liberty is a concept grounded in the individual. It is the freedom to be all that one is, to actualize the fullness of one’s potential as a human being endowed with the capacity for creativity and the ability to make autonomous value judgments for ourselves.

It is, of course, true that liberty can be read many ways. As Isaiah Berlin observed, there is positive liberty, the freedom to do something and there is negative liberty, the freedom from something and depending on circumstances, one or the other can appear to be of greater importance. But while this distinction has tended to dominate debates in political philosophy since the Second World War, it is perhaps more useful to think back to the writings of Voltaire and the earliest Encyclopédistes and to remind ourselves that liberty in its purest form—both positive and negative—can be thought of as the realization of man’s inherent dignity as a human being.

This is more than just a matter of high-flown words. The concept of human dignity has two important implications, both of which were recognized by Cicero as far back as the first century B.C. but seem to have been forgotten today. The first is that we all share the same degree of dignity: No one has any less potential than any other, and no one’s humanity is any less pronounced than anyone else’s. The second is that our humanity imposes upon us the same basic needs. By virtue of our nature, we all require food, shelter, clothing, security, and a range of other basic goods necessary for sufficiency and survival. Though deceptively simple, these implications have profound meaning when we consider how individual liberty is to be translated into a social and political construct. If the liberty of each person is to be maintained and maximized, the principles of equity and the common good must be embedded in the structure of society. And since society is structured above all by law, the law must reflect these precepts. To have liberty is hence to live according to laws grounded on equity and the common good and where law deviates to even the smallest degree from either, it necessarily becomes the instrument of private or factional interests, and liberty is lost.

Such liberty is, however, dependent upon the morality of the citizenry, especially those in office. While law may structure society, it is only the will of governors and people that gives it its character and force. It is only if everyone recognizes the dignity of the human person that they will recognize the inherent value of equity and the common good, and strive to defend and preserve not only their own liberty, but also that of all others in their society using law. As soon as the commitment to human dignity breaks down, society becomes a jungle in which it is everyone for himself self-interest dominates, law becomes partial, and tyranny supplants liberty.

In short, a liberal politics must be a moral politics. Liberalism will not work if too much emphasis is placed on total human autonomy at the expense of all others, nor if it is obsessed with materialism and consumerism. In contrast to the Fukuyama model of yoking liberal values to economic self-interest—a combination that, when given free rein, has often damaged society at large in recent years—a model that emphasizes human dignity allows for a more positive, relevant kind of politics that constantly struggles to assert itself. Instead of encouraging us to rest easy in the assurance that liberalism will certainly triumph, a conception of liberty based on human dignity recognizes that there is nothing inevitable about its success. While each of us may wish to be free as an individual, it shows that individual freedom is dependent on us all being free and that means that we all have to cling to our shared humanity, our shared dignity.

If liberalism has a future, therefore, it lies not in Fukuyama’s shattered determinism or the more recent liberal historicism of Siedentop, Fawcett, and Clinton, but in each of us. It lies not in economics, or the tides of history. It lies in the recognition of the worthiness of humanity itself.


Купить Making History: Complete Edition НАБОР (?)

is the 4th title of a series of turn-based Grand Strategy games. It's unique open-ended design allows players to experience alternative outcomes in the World War II era. This was an industrial conflict between the Great Powers of the Machine Age. The battles will begin in the factories, mines and the research labs, and resolve in the fields, skies and seas across the globe. Players and the AI are faced with historical decisions that change the course of history making every play through a new immersive Grand Strategy experience.

Below is a list of some gameplay features:

- Extensive Event content covering pivotal decisions and themes in WWII.
- Hundreds of additional alternative historical events
- Play any nation
- 280 Separate nationalities
- Colonies, Protectorates and Puppet Governments
- Easy to use scenario Editor for Modding
- Game played across horizontal wrapping World Map
- In Game Tutorial Mode
- Over 90 Steam Achievements
- AI focus on tactical Carrier Gameplay
- Nuclear Attack AI and Tactics
- Dedicated Strategic Bombing AI
- Aggressive AI Air Patrol Tactics & Strafing Attack Orders
- Air Transport, Railroad, Shipping and Mobilized Unit movement
- Hundreds of Unit Models featuring the most iconic aircraft, tanks and ships
- Missile Launcher Units
- Nuclear Delivery Units
- Jet Era Units
- Paratrooper and Glider Attacks
- Kamikaze Units
- Full Range of Armored and Artillery Units
- Naval Surface and Submarine forces
- Nation Unique Infantry Unit Models
- Naval Supply Vessels to extend Fleet ranges
- Region City Infrastructure Projects
- Detailed Research Tree covering technologies from Pre-Industrial to Atomic Eras
- Sophisticated Economic System
- Build Factories and other city infrastructure
- Expand Resource Output and trade to Supply your Factories and Troops
- Auto-Trade System Option


Contents

Daily Express, 24 March 1933. "Judea Declares War On Germany: Jews Of All The World Unite In Action".

The noncontroversial and politically correct views on World War II can be found in numerous easily available sources and will not be restated here. In general, critics have argued that official history is written by the victors and may have various problems.

Revisionist and other not politically correct views on WWII have been on topics such as:


Numerous wars and acts of violence between Arabs and Jews have ensued since the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Some of these include:

  • Suez Crisis: Relations between Israel and Egypt were rocky in the years following the 1948 war. In 1956, Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser overtook and nationalized the Suez Canal, the important shipping waterway that connects the Red Sea to the Mediterranean Sea. With the help of British and French forces, Israel attacked the Sinai Peninsula and retook the Suez Canal. 
  • Six-Day War: In what started as a surprise attack, Israel in 1967 defeated Egypt, Jordan and Syria in six days. After this brief war, Israel took control of the Gaza Strip, Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, and Golan Heights. These areas were considered “occupied” by Israel.
  • Yom Kippur War: Hoping to catch the Israeli army off guard, in 1973 Egypt and Syria launched air strikes against Israel on the Holy Day of Yom Kippur. The fighting went on for two weeks, until the UN adopted a resolution to stop the war. Syria hoped to recapture the Golan Heights during this battle but was unsuccessful. In 1981, Israel annexed the Golan Heights, but Syria continued to claim it as territory.
  • Lebanon War: In 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon and ejected the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). This group, which started in 1964 and declared all Arab citizens living in Palestine up to 1947 to be called “Palestinians,” focused on creating a Palestinian state within Israel.
  • First Palestinian Intifada: Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank led to a 1987 Palestinian uprising and hundreds of deaths. A peace process, known as the Oslo Peace Accords, ended the Intifada (a Arabic word meaning “shaking off”). After this, the Palestinian Authority formed and took over some territories in Israel. In 1997, the Israeli army withdrew from parts of the West Bank.
  • Second Palestinian Intifada: Palestinians launched suicide bombs and other attacks on Israelis in 2000. The resulting violence lasted for years, until a cease-fire was reached. Israel announced a plan to remove all troops and Jewish settlements from the Gaza strip by the end of 2005.
  • Second Lebanon War: Israel went to war with Hezbollah𠅊 Shiite Islamic militant group in Lebanon—in 2006. A UN-negotiated ceasefire ended the conflict a couple of months after it started.
  • Hamas Wars: Israel has been involved in repeated violence with Hamas, a Sunni Islamist militant group that assumed Palestinian power in 2006. Some of the more significant conflicts took place beginning in 2008, 2012 and 2014.

Notes

  1. See, for instance, on the United States, David Wyman, Paper Walls. America and the Refugee crisis, 1938-1941, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press (1968) and Henry L. Feingold, The Politics of Rescue: The Roosevelt Administration and the Holocaust, 1938-1945, New Brunswick, New Jersey: Tutgers University Press (1970) on the Netherlands, Bob Moore, Refugees from Nazi Germany in the Netherlands, 1933-1940, Dordrecht Boston Lancaster: Nijhoff (1986) on France, Vicki Caron, Uneasy Asylum: France and the Jewish Refugee Crisis, 1933-1942, Stanford: Stanford University Press (1999) on Canada see Irving Abella and Harold Troper, None is too Many: Canada and the Jews of Europe 1933-1948, Toronto: Lester and Orpen Dennys (1982) on Australia see Michael Blakeney, Australia and the Jewish Refugees, 1933-1948, Sydney: Croom Helm (1985), on Brazil see, Jeffrey Lesser, Welcoming the Undesirables, Berkeley Los Angeles London: University of California Press (1995) and on India, Anil Bhatti and Johannes H. Voigt (eds.), Jewish Exile in India 1933-1945, New Delhi: Max Mueller Bhavan (1999).Back to (1)
  2. London: Allen & Unwin (1936).Back to (2)
  3. London: The Cresset Press (1956).Back to (3)
  4. London: Libris (1988, first published by Penguin Books, 1940).Back to (4)
  5. London: Frank Cass (1997).Back to (5)
  6. See Peter and Leni Gillman, 'Collar the Lot': How Britain Interned and Expelled its Wartime Refugees, London: Quartet Books (1980) Ronald Stent, A Bespattered Page? The Internment of 'His Majesty's Most Loyal Enemy Aliens' , London: Deutsch (1980) David Cesarani and Tony Kushner, The Internment of Aliens in Twentieth Century Britain, London: Frank Cass (1993).Back to (6)
  7. London: Frank Cass (2nd edition, 1994, first published, 1973). Back to (7)
  8. London: Barrie and Jenkins (1975). Back to (8)
  9. London: Edward Arnold (1979).Back to (9)
  10. London: Macmillan (1978).Back to (10)
  11. London: Leicester University Press (2nd edition, 1999, first published by Oxford University Press, 1979).Back to (11)
  12. Manchester: Manchester University Press (1989).Back to (12)
  13. Leamington Spa (1984).Back to (13)
  14. Edited by Werner Mosse, Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), (1991).Back to (14)
  15. Louise London, 'British Immigration Control Procedures and Jewish Refugees, 1933-1939' in Ibid., pp.485-517.Back to (15)
  16. London: Macmillan (1984).Back to (16)
  17. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson (1998).Back to (17)
  18. Oxford: Blackwell (1994).Back to (18)
  19. London: Routledge (1997).Back to (19)
  20. Louise Anne London, 'British Immigration Control Procedures and Jewish Refugees, 1933-1942' Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of London (1992). Her previously published articles include the one already cited from Second Chance (see footnote 15 above) 'British Government Policy and Jewish Refugees 1933-45', Patterns of Prejudice vol.23, no.4 (1989) pp26-43, 'Jewish Refugees, Anglo-Jewry and British Government Policy, 1930-1940' in David Cesarani, The Making of ModernAnglo-Jewry, Oxford: Basil Blackwell (1990) pp163-190, 'British Reactions to the Jewish Flight from Europe' in Peter Catterall and Catherine Morris (eds.), Britain and the Threat to Stability in Europe 1918-45, Leicester: Leicester University Press (1993) pp.57-73 'Refugee Agencies and Their Work, 1933-39', The Journal of Holocaust Education vol.4, no.1 (Summer, 1995) pp.3-17 'Whitehall and the Refugees: The 1930s and the 1990s', Patterns of Prejudice vol.34 no.3 (2000) pp.17-26.Back to (20)
  21. See, for example, Martin Gilbert, Auschwitz and the Allies, London: Mandarin (1991) Tony Kushner, The Holocaust and the Liberal Imagination, idem. , 'The British and the Shoah', Patterns of Prejudice vol.23, no.3 (Autumn 1989) pp.3-16, idem., 'The Impact of the Holocaust on British Society and Culture', Contemporary Record vol.5 no.2 (Autumn 1991) pp.349-375 David Cesarani, Britain and the Holocaust, London: Holocaust Educational Trust (1998), idem, Justice Delayed London: Heinemann (1992).Back to (21)
  22. This is especially true now as both of these academics are based at the University of Southampton, where there is a long tradition of studying Anglo-Jewish history. The University also has the Parkes Library, a growing archive collection on Anglo-Jewry and regular seminars are held on Jewish history.Back to (22)
  23. The only real examination has been carried out by Tony Kushner in his article, 'Holocaust Survivors in Britain: An Overview and Research Agenda', The Journal of Holocaust Education, vol.4, no.2, (Winter 1995) pp.147-66, and in his book with Katherine Knox, Refugees in an Age of Genocide, London: Frank Cass (1999), though it is also mentioned as a side issue in David Cesarani, Justice Delayed.Back to (23)
  24. For the EVW scheme see Diana Kay and Robert Miles, Refugees or Migrant Workers?, London: Routledge (1992) J.A. Tannahill, EuropeanVolunteerWorkers in Britain Manchester, Manchester University Press (1958) and David Cesarani, Justice Delayed.Back to (24)
  25. This is very much the argument advanced by Kay and Miles, Ibid.Back to (25)
  26. Roger Kershaw and Mark Pearsall, Immigrants and Aliens. A Guide to Sources on UK Immigration and Citizenship, Kew: Public Record Office (2000) p.19.Back to (26)
  27. Private information.Back to (27)
  28. Cited in Michael Marrus, The Unwanted: European Refugees in theTwentiethCentury, New York Oxford: Oxford University Press (1985) p.185.Back to (28)

The author is pleased to accept the review and will not be responding further.


IX. Race and World War II

World War II affected nearly every aspect of life in the United States, and America’s racial relationships were not immune. African Americans, Mexicans and Mexican Americans, Jews, and Japanese Americans were profoundly impacted.

In early 1941, months before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, A. Philip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, the largest Black trade union in the nation, made headlines by threatening President Roosevelt with a march on Washington, D.C. In this “crisis of democracy,” Randolph said, defense industries refused to hire African Americans and the armed forces remained segregated. In exchange for Randolph calling off the march, Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802, banning racial and religious discrimination in defense industries and establishing the FEPC to monitor defense industry hiring practices. While the armed forces remained segregated throughout the war, and the FEPC had limited influence, the order showed that the federal government could stand against discrimination. The Black workforce in defense industries rose from 3 percent in 1942 to 9 percent in 1945. 21

More than one million African Americans fought in the war. Most Black servicemen served in segregated, noncombat units led by white officers. Some gains were made, however. The number of Black officers increased from five in 1940 to over seven thousand in 1945. The all-Black pilot squadrons, known as the Tuskegee Airmen, completed more than 1,500 missions, escorted heavy bombers into Germany, and earned several hundred merits and medals. Many bomber crews specifically requested the Red Tail Angels as escorts. And near the end of the war, the army and navy began integrating some of their units and facilities, before the U.S. government finally ordered the full integration of its armed forces in 1948. 22

The Tuskegee Airmen stand at attention in 1941 as Major James A. Ellison returns the salute of Mac Ross, one of the first graduates of the Tuskegee cadets. The photographs captures the pride and poise of the Tuskegee Airmen, who continued the tradition of African Americans’ military service despite widespread racial discrimination and inequality at home. Wikimedia.

While Black Americans served in the armed forces (though they were segregated), on the home front they became riveters and welders, rationed food and gasoline, and bought victory bonds. But many Black Americans saw the war as an opportunity not only to serve their country but to improve it. The Pittsburgh Courier, a leading Black newspaper, spearheaded the Double V campaign. It called on African Americans to fight two wars: the war against Nazism and fascism abroad and the war against racial inequality at home. To achieve victory, to achieve “real democracy,” the Courier encouraged its readers to enlist in the armed forces, volunteer on the home front, and fight against racial segregation and discrimination. 23

During the war, membership in the NAACP jumped tenfold, from fifty thousand to five hundred thousand. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) was formed in 1942 and spearheaded the method of nonviolent direct action to achieve desegregation. Between 1940 and 1950, some 1.5 million Black southerners, the largest number of any decade since the beginning of the Great Migration, also indirectly demonstrated their opposition to racism and violence by migrating out of the Jim Crow South to the North. But transitions were not easy. Racial tensions erupted in 1943 in a series of riots in cities such as Mobile, Beaumont, and Harlem. The bloodiest race riot occurred in Detroit and resulted in the death of twenty-five Black and nine White Americans. Still, the war ignited in African Americans an urgency for equality that they would carry with them into the subsequent years. 24

Many Americans had to navigate American prejudice, and America’s entry into the war left foreign nationals from the belligerent nations in a precarious position. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) targeted many on suspicions of disloyalty for detainment, hearings, and possible internment under the Alien Enemy Act. Those who received an order for internment were sent to government camps secured by barbed wire and armed guards. Such internments were supposed to be for cause. Then, on February 19, 1942, President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, authorizing the removal of any persons from designated “exclusion zones”—which ultimately covered nearly a third of the country—at the discretion of military commanders. Thirty thousand Japanese Americans fought for the United States in World War II, but wartime anti-Japanese sentiment built on historical prejudices, and under the order, people of Japanese descent, both immigrants and American citizens, were detained and placed under the custody of the War Relocation Authority, the civil agency that supervised their relocation to internment camps. They lost their homes and jobs. Over ten thousand German nationals and a smaller number of Italian nationals were interned at various times in the United States during World War II, but American policies disproportionately targeted Japanese-descended populations, and individuals did not receive personalized reviews prior to their internment. This policy of mass exclusion and detention affected over 110,000 Japanese and Japanese-descended individuals. Seventy thousand were American citizens. 25

In its 1982 report, Personal Justice Denied, the congressionally appointed Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians concluded that “the broad historical causes” shaping the relocation program were “race prejudice, war hysteria, and a failure of political leadership.” 26 Although the exclusion orders were found to have been constitutionally permissible under the vagaries of national security, they were later judged, even by the military and judicial leaders of the time, to have been a grave injustice against people of Japanese descent. In 1988, President Reagan signed a law that formally apologized for internment and provided reparations to surviving internees.

But if actions taken during war would later prove repugnant, so too could inaction. As the Allies pushed into Germany and Poland, they uncovered the full extent of Hitler’s genocidal atrocities. The Allies liberated massive camp systems set up for the imprisonment, forced labor, and extermination of all those deemed racially, ideologically, or biologically “unfit” by Nazi Germany. But the Holocaust—the systematic murder of eleven million civilians, including six million Jews—had been under way for years. How did America respond?

This photograph, originally from Jürgen Stroop’s May 1943 report to Heinrich Himmler, circulated throughout Europe and America as an image of the Nazi Party’s brutality. The original German caption read: “Forcibly pulled out of dug-outs”. Wikimedia Commons.

Initially, American officials expressed little official concern for Nazi persecutions. At the first signs of trouble in the 1930s, the State Department and most U.S. embassies did relatively little to aid European Jews. Roosevelt publicly spoke out against the persecution and even withdrew the U.S. ambassador to Germany after Kristallnacht. He pushed for the 1938 Evian Conference in France, in which international leaders discussed the Jewish refugee problem and worked to expand Jewish immigration quotas by tens of thousands of people per year. But the conference came to nothing, and the United States turned away countless Jewish refugees who requested asylum in the United States.

In 1939, the German ship St. Louis carried over nine hundred Jewish refugees. They could not find a country that would take them. The passengers could not receive visas under the U.S. quota system. A State Department wire to one passenger read that all must “await their turns on the waiting list and qualify for and obtain immigration visas before they may be admissible into the United States.” The ship cabled the president for special privilege, but the president said nothing. The ship was forced to return to Europe. Hundreds of the St. Louis’s passengers would perish in the Holocaust.

Anti-Semitism still permeated the United States. Even if Roosevelt wanted to do more—it’s difficult to trace his own thoughts and personal views—he judged the political price for increasing immigration quotas as too high. In 1938 and 1939, the U.S. Congress debated the Wagner-Rogers Bill, an act to allow twenty thousand German-Jewish children into the United States. First lady Eleanor Roosevelt endorsed the measure, but the president remained publicly silent. The bill was opposed by roughly two thirds of the American public and was defeated. Historians speculate that Roosevelt, anxious to protect the New Deal and his rearmament programs, was unwilling to expend political capital to protect foreign groups that the American public had little interest in protecting. 27

Knowledge of the full extent of the Holocaust was slow in coming. When the war began, American officials, including Roosevelt, doubted initial reports of industrial death camps. But even when they conceded their existence, officials pointed to their genuinely limited options. The most plausible response was for the U.S. military was to bomb either the camps or the railroads leading to them, but those options were rejected by military and civilian officials who argued that it would do little to stop the deportations, would distract from the war effort, and could cause casualties among concentration camp prisoners. Whether bombing would have saved lives remains a hotly debated question. 28

Late in the war, secretary of the treasury Henry Morgenthau, himself born into a wealthy New York Jewish family, pushed through major changes in American policy. In 1944, he formed the War Refugees Board (WRB) and became a passionate advocate for Jewish refugees. The WRB saved perhaps two hundred thousand Jews and twenty thousand others. Morgenthau also convinced Roosevelt to issue a public statement condemning the Nazi’s persecution. But it was already 1944, and such policies were far too little, far too late. 29


World War II Crossword Puzzles

World War II lasted from 1939 to 1945, involved over 30 countries, and included famous conflicts like The Battle of Midway, Battle of the Bulge, Battle of Stalingrad, and the Attack on Pearl Harbor. It can be tough for students to keep track of everything that happened in this bloody and prolific war a WWII crossword puzzle can be an excellent history review worksheet to help students study.

World War II crossword puzzles (or World War 2 crossword puzzles) are helpful history classroom activities, whether you want to review famous WWII generals and military figures or political motivations for the war, battles on the front lines or struggles on the home front, the horrors of the Holocaust or the triumph of the Allies over Axis forces.

Browse and print World War II crossword puzzles below.

DISCLAIMER: Each World War II printable activity was made by Crossword Hobbyist users. They have not been reviewed for relevance or accuracy. We strongly suggest you verify a World War II puzzle meets your standards before using it in a class.


Watch the video: cm Pak 40 Anti-tank gun World War II


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